Das deutsche Buch: Text (Fischer Klassik Plus 290) (German Edition)
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He did not practise ethereality: no serving- wench was safe from his attentions. Goethe had been equally fascinated and repelled by him, but the periodical Prometheus expressed itself more drastically: sampling his works was like enjoying a banquet where one had unwittingly been eating human flesh.
The Life of August Wilhelm Schlegel
Werner also spent hours in conversation with Schlegel. Maybe she needed a catalyst such as Werner or Schlegel. Tieck, Novalis and Friedrich Schlegel had been attracted to the Silesian theosophist, whereas August Wilhelm had been less drawn. That was only to cease with his conversion to Catholicism in Schlegel was not to take such a step.
The Life of August Wilhelm Schlegel
For there is enough evidence from his correspondence up to the Russian journey of a searching for spiritual satisfaction, for an easing of soul, but not necessarily inside an ecclesiastical or hierarchical framework. At this stage he was willing to defend the speculations of his brother Friedrich in Ueber die Sprache und Weisheit against the likes of Schelling; indeed in an important letter to the latter of 19 August he saw philosophy as but one way towards truth, not an end in itself; it alone—not even Kant—could not open up the ultimate secrets.
Whereas later it would be history, historical record, the examination of sources on the broadest of bases that would inform his method of study, he was now prepared to entertain hidden links between the spiritual and material world that would not sustain historical or philological analysis.
But where personal involvement or friendship entered into it he could be relied upon to produce a striking image that comes over to us as authentic. He filled niches in the Weimar palace, not only with Goethe and Schiller, but with Klopstock and Voss. His Schelling breathes energy and intelligence; his Alexander von Humboldt has something of the freshness and determination of the young voyager. That was certainly the way that Werner, the later convert to Catholicism and ordained priest, wished to see it. This would not be the hardship it might seem to be, for her father had presciently purchased property there.
The fates of these two enterprises were soon to be intertwined. Was he the property of the Franco-American owner of Chaumont and a reminder that slavery was still being practised in both countries? The poem states that the slave was set free, and it affirms his belief still in the efficacy of the sacraments.
For a publisher the author went to Gabriel-Henri Nicolle, who had also brought out Corinne. They knew of her unrepentant interest in politics, for instance her concern as the widow of a Swedish diplomat at the outcome of the succession to the Swedish throne. Their recommendation was: publication, but with changes to the offending passages. The proofs then went to the highest authority himself: Napoleon. His main instruction was the removal of the section favourable to England. It is clear from that context that Auguste, not subject to the same ban as his mother, had taken the letter in person; Schlegel had sought to intervene with Corbigny.
The proofs were then pulped. Pleas for an audience fell on deaf ears.
In fact she received a visa for Coppet and decided to return there instead. And was it not clear that Schlegel, the author of the Comparaison , was regarded as her accomplice? Fortunately the French translation had not reached the production stage, and Chamisso was able to retain his manuscript for future use. The French police bulletins of October and November were notable in drawing attention to the ideological dangers filtering in from Germany: Werner, with his offensive Attila ; Fichte of the Reden an die deutsche Nation , Gentz in the pay of the English , and the Schlegel brothers. Nor with a print run of 5, and several sets of proofs in existence was this humanly possible.
Some say, in Lausanne, Humboldt is supposed to have said it. Do you not have any bright new plans for next spring? She had meanwhile decided that it would be prudent for him to absent himself from Coppet or Geneva for a couple of months. It all added to the precariousness of their situation. In the summer of and lasting into , there was even an infatuation: with the admirable and gifted Marianne Haller, the wife of the city architect and very much his junior.
Schlegel could only enjoy her charms, her intelligence and her talk at a distance. It is certainly no coincidence that the two poems that he addressed to her adopt the conventions of Minnesang, one of them even in an approximation to Middle High German stanzaic form, for this was the lady untouchable and inviolate whom one could approach only in verse. It was to the robuster Nibelungenlied that Schlegel now devoted time and leisure, to collate the various manuscripts.
It was, however, to Mohr and Zimmer that Schlegel turned for the works that for him mattered in these last Swiss years: the completed Vienna Lectures and the Poetische Werke , both of which came out in These were not good times for publishers or for authors.
North Germany, a market that a bookseller overlooked at his peril, was subject to the decree of 5 February that extended across the French imperial territories to all those under its jurisdiction; Zimmer, in neutral Baden, went ahead with the Poetische Werke nevertheless.
Die Kunst der Griechen , that elegy that had once adulated Goethe, was still there, more on account of its correct versification than its genuine sentiments. He would have even more pleasure when in the same year Ludwig Tieck, a notoriously bad correspondent, surprised him by dedicating to him his collection Phantasus and reawakening the memory of Jena. Here were some political tactics, some acts of deference, but also an acknowledgement of who belonged together, who had stood up for the other over the years—and there were not many of them left.
Frontispiece and title page. It was a reminder of how medieval chivalry and fable still informed the Renaissance Ariosto, Tasso, Shakespeare, Cervantes , how the canonical poets all proceeded from the same sources and substance. In June, , while he was briefly back in Coppet, she decided on an altogether more adventuresome and risky operation: she asked Schlegel to travel from Berne to Vienna with a copy, to be deposited in the safe hands of Friedrich Schlegel and to be recovered on their way eventually to Russian or Swedish asylum.
The route to be taken was at this stage not clear, but Vienna would in all likelihood be the point of departure. In Vienna, he found his brother, doubtless told in advance of this imminent incursion, and not a little surprised. It bound him to a political ideology—that of the Habsburg state, its aspirations and its myths—yet who in these years could live free of such allegiances? Ludwig Tieck, living in his bolt hole in remotest Brandenburg, perhaps, or those two footloose if very different figures, Clemens Brentano and Zacharias Werner, until Rome claimed them, but most others could not afford that luxury.
One must picture—if one can—a corpulent Friedrich festooned in this finery, on horseback, in the rain, mud, heat and dust of armies on the march. It was his task to produce an army newspaper.
The Austrian army had meanwhile withdrawn to Hungary. Friedrich suffered privations: with his usual intellectual curiosity he nevertheless explored in Buda the antiquities of the kingdom and met scholars and writers. He was not back in Vienna until the end of More significant for him were the lectures on history which he gave in Vienna from 19 February to 9 May, And these lectures, delivered in the fine historiographical prose of which Friedrich was capable, had a distinctly Austrian accent.
And the fine rhetoric of delivery did not conceal a historical teleology and a message for the times, something that a political journalist and intellectual was expected to supply. It is for us brothers of course a great privation to be separated from each other without any prospect of meeting again; he was quite hypochondriac and in lowest spirits before I arrived, but our conversations picked him up again.
When I left, he went with me and then he turned back, alone, on foot across a bare and treeless plain, a truly sad image of our separation.
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Unlike Friedrich, who was to deliver three more big lecture cycles in Vienna and Dresden, August Wilhelm was only once again to lecture to a general public, much later in Berlin. His lectures on history embraced the ancient world, not the modern, and they were for a university audience. It was a reflection of her own experience, sometimes even shared with him, yet it was so much limited to what she had actually seen and taken in, was so ideologically slanted to her needs, that questions of mere attributions or informants— who helped her with this part or that—became largely irrelevant.
There was little point in asking, as some contemporaries were to do, whether Schlegel had checked it through. Nations should serve as guides one to one another, and they would all be wrong were they to deprive each other of the enlightenment that they can afford one another mutually. There is something very strange about the difference between one people and another: climate, landscape, language, government, above all the events of history, a force ranking above all others, contribute to these diversities, and no-one, however superior he may be, can guess at what is going on naturally in the mind of the one who lives on a different soil and breathes a different air: one will do well in every country to receive alien thoughts; for, in this way hospitality makes the fortune of the one who receives it.
He knew also which places and which persons she chose to omit no Munich, no Berlin salons, no Gentz, for instance and which individuals she chose to elevate to a status largely ordained by her and her own personal acquaintance. He might also have reflected that his material, his insights, his plot-summaries could be implicitly relied upon for their accuracy, while hers could not, being often second-hand, tailored to her needs, and sometimes wilfully wrong as in her account of the plot of Faust.
He may have despaired at her account of Kant, until he recognized, as one must, that she was using him, as so many other figures and ideas, to further her own cultural and political aims, or that she was calling for the study of serious philosophy as opposed to frivolous scepticism or materialism.
There were allusions enough to the times in which they were delivered, arguments for the audience to understand why Germany in its present state could not emulate Athens or Golden Age Spain or Elizabethan England. In that sense his Lectures were a continuation of debates and agonizings since over what had gone wrong, why the old order had collapsed, why the German lands had fallen to Napoleon one after the other and had been divided and ruled as he saw fit.
In postulating how the theatre might contribute to the building of the nation, Schlegel was doing his patriotic duty, less outspokenly of course than political voices like, say, Arndt, Gentz, or Stein, while performing it nevertheless. True, with its territorial divisions, it had then as now lacked a capital city, something that the Germans themselves had been deploring for several generations and that Friedrich Schlegel had noted with regret in Europa.
For her part, she was not interested in institutions or society other than its highest echelons, or indeed too many tiresome factual details. The important thing was to point to what France did not have, but might have, if it let another nation be its guide and inspiration. It might see alternatives to centralism, control, despotism and acts of arbitrary tyranny. Readers in France might have cause to ponder issues that were not specific to Germany, but which might acquire a new urgency through an openness to another culture: reason, intelligence, faith, imagination, philosophy, mental energy.
It had been a way of transcending the provincial narrowness of Jena and it would also overcome the restrictions of Bonn, for his later scholarly career was oriented as much to Paris and London as to the Prussian university where he was to live and work. In fact he was only there from October to November, , and from March to May in America was now ruled out, although as late as November she was contemplating it.
They became more and more dependent on snippets of news regarding the political situation in Europe. Could Turkey be a route, once the Russo-Turkish border was secure? When Capelle used chicanery to challenge the validity of the original purchase of Coppet by the Neckers, it was Schlegel who was able to use the good offices of his Heidelberg publisher to secure the deeds. On his side, he could not aspire to claiming her affection, let alone her love; he was merely indispensable and fraternally so; on her side she permitted no rivals, but at the same time she was free to indulge her passions as she chose.adosenej.tk
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Small wonder that he in a letter of April or May, reproached her with folly and heartlessness towards him. Already in May, Germaine and Rocca entered into a solemn engagement to marry, and in the late summer she found herself pregnant—in her forty-sixth year. Of the official Coppet circle only Fanny Randall was party to the secret; Schlegel never found out while there.
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Germaine was to the outside world suffering from dropsy: even Zacharias Werner in Rome heard of it. It was in Berne, too, that he received through his sister-in-law Julie Schlegel in Hanover the news of the death of his mother, on 21 January, Protestant worship no longer met the needs of his heart: it was in Catholic shrines that he found a first solace.
History Of Religions
Nowhere is there a word about confession or doctrine: the outward signs and symbols manifested in the act of worship, he claimed, brought us an assurance of the divine presence. He must have assumed that he would never return, for this cache was to remain undiscovered for over years. He left behind too his 1,volume library, carefully ordered according to incunables, quartos, and octavos.